Everything about The Scottish Conservative Party totally explained
The
Scottish Conservative Party (officially the
Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party), often referred to as the
Scottish Tories (see
Tory), is the part of the
British Conservative Party that operates in
Scotland. It was established in 1965, when the previously separate
Unionist Party was merged into the Conservative Party of
England and Wales, to form the basis of the modern UK Conservative Party (which at that time didn't organise independently in
Northern Ireland). The Unionist Party, in alliance with a small number of
Liberal Unionist and
National Liberal politicians, had been the dominant force in
Scottish politics until the late 1950s. From the early 1960s that role was taken by the
Labour Party.
The Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party has 17 of 129 seats in the
Scottish Parliament, one of 59 Scottish seats in the
Parliament of the United Kingdom, and two of seven Scottish seats in the
European Parliament. The party has never produced official membership figures, but in March 2006 it was thought to have approximately 16,500 members.
History
Merger
Electoral defeat in the
1959 general election led to the reforms of 1965, which brought an end to the
Unionist Party as an independent force. It was renamed the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party and constitutionally came under the control of the UK party. These, and further reforms in 1977, saw the Scottish Conservatives being viewed as a regional unit, with its personnel, finance, and political offices under the control of a leadership in London.
These changes had serious implications for the Conservatives' Scottish identity. Set alongside the end of
Empire and the emergence of many independent states it witnessed the rise of the
Scottish National Party (SNP) as sections of the old Unionist vote swung to the SNP along with former
Labour voters who supported
Scottish independence. This may seem paradoxical, but the Unionist Party had benefited greatly from its projection as an independent Scottish party opposing the London-based
British Labour Party. In addition the name "Conservative" was identified with the English party; and there was a strong unionist-nationalist tradition, represented by the likes of
John Buchan (who said "I believe every Scotsman should be a Scottish nationalist.") and those who had founded the
Scottish Party (which later merged with the
National Party of Scotland to found the Scottish National Party).
Consequences of merger
As the British Empire came to an end so too did the primacy of
Protestant associations as
secularism and
ecumenicalism rose. The erosion of the
Unionist vote accompanied this along with the loss of its
working class base. Though many Conservatives would still identify with the Kirk, most
Church of Scotland identifiers were not conservatives. As the national and largest Church it had adapted to a secular post-imperial world by advocating ecumenicalism.
Support from working class Protestants was also eroded. With the
Daily Record newspaper switching from the Unionists to Labour, the Conservatives in the 1960s were mercilessly portrayed as a party of the
Anglicised aristocracy. Combined with the new name, this helped switch previous Unionist voters to the Labour party and the SNP which advanced considerably in the elections of
February and
October 1974.
The associations with the largely working class
Orange Order also became problematic because of this aristocratic connection, but it was
the Troubles in
Northern Ireland that created further problems. On one level, there was the residual perception of a connection that many mainstream Protestant voters associated with the
sectarian violence in Northern Ireland - a perception that's unfair to a large extent since the Scottish Orange Order has dealt more stringently with members associating with Northern Irish
paramilitaries than its Irish equivalent. However, the ramifications of this perception also led to the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party downplaying and ignoring past associations, which further widened the gap with the Orange Order. Any links that lingered were ultimately broken when
Margaret Thatcher signed the
Anglo-Irish Agreement. Notably this witnessed the Orange Lodge (amongst other supporters) set up their own
Scottish Unionist Party.
The Thatcher-Major years
The election of
Margaret Thatcher in the
1979 general election revived the Party's support and returned more MPs, but this was squandered in the two subsequent elections of
1983 and
1987. These elections witnessed the rise of the
SDP-Liberal Alliance, which ate into traditional Unionist Party support, along with increased support for Labour and SNP in 1987.
This anti-Conservative position - reminiscent of the pre-1886 electoral position - has been attributed to Margaret Thatcher's perceived rejection of
society and advocacy of
American monetarist policies that were leading to the closure of traditional
Scottish industries. This was at odds with the past Scottish Unionist position of "service to others and to the community" and was graphically illustrated by the cool reception she received at the
General Assembly of the Church of Scotland when she made her "
Sermon on the Mound".
Even though it's said that the Scottish party wasn't enthusiastic for her policies, it was confined by its status as a regional unit. By then advocating the introduction of the
poll tax a year early in Scotland (where they'd minority support) they further exacerbated the image of being anti-Scottish. Ironically the Scottish Conservatives had been amongst the fiercest advocates of introducing the poll tax to replace the system of
local government rates. The oft-repeated assertion that Margaret Thatcher was solely to blame for the marginalisation of the Scottish Conservatives is statistically wrong, as during her premiership the party lost lost fewer votes in Scotland than during the tenures of other Conservative leaders before her, with
Edward Heath presiding over the most dramatic cumulative decrease.
The replacement of Margaret Thatcher with
John Major did see a very small increase in their vote in the
1992 election when they campaigned on a "Save the Union" ticket against a resurgent SNP. However the marginality of the increase - the SNP's vote increased substantially but success was limited by
First Past The Post - combined with Conservative Party divisions,
Black Wednesday, the rise of
New Labour, the increased willingness of the electorate to resort to
tactical voting and the Conservatives' uncompromising opposition to any form of
devolved legislative assembly for Scotland contrived to see the Conservative Party wiped out at the
1997 election.
Devolution and pre-1965 considerations
It was the establishment of a
Scottish Parliament, an institution they'd opposed vehemently, that gave the Scottish Conservatives a modicum of Parliamentary respectability. However, this was only because of the Parliament's
proportional representation electoral system, and the level of national support they received in
1999 and
2003 hardly moved. Nevertheless, they did manage to pick up three constituency seats in 2003 because of a relative fall in the Labour and SNP vote, assisted by a very low
turnout.
In subsequent Westminster elections, their vote has been equally sluggish or static. In the
2001 election, they won a seat from the SNP, but the sitting MP subsequently lost against Labour in the
2005 election in a redrawn seat (which had a notional Labour majority), whilst another candidate won a neighbouring seat from notional Labour control.
The 1997 wipe out and subsequent lack of movement has resulted in debate about how the party should change to revive its fortunes. Echoing their pre-1965 position, one suggestion has been to drop the name "Conservative". However, the
Strathclyde Commission ruled out a return to the "Scottish Unionist Party" name because of sensitivity to Northern Irish sectarian connotations. Besides, this would now be impossible under the new
Electoral Commission as the small
Scottish Unionist Party is already registered.
The depute leader of the party,
Murdo Fraser MSP, has suggested that the party become independent, like the pre-1965 Unionist Party, and adopt a relationship with the English Conservatives analogous to the relationship which the
Christian Social Union in Bavaria has with the
Christian Democratic Union in
Germany.
Brian Monteith, an MSP, who has since left the party, proposed that the Scottish Conservatives support
fiscal autonomy for Scotland as a means to appear more "Scottish" than the Labour party who oppose it. A resonance with
John Buchan was struck when an ex-MP said the party should support
Scottish independence because it would produce a clearer and more co-operative relationship with England than what he felt was the latent conflicts and resentments devolution would create.
Allan Stewart, former MP for
Eastwood, said: "'I've always believed that the English perception of what independence would do to them has always been unnecessarily worried. There is a major issue about
defence, but I don't think other issues are a real worry.'" (
Herald, 02/05/2005).
However, it remains to be seen if the Scottish Conservatives will return to a model that reflects the previous Unionist Party. Fiscal autonomy hasn't been rejected but it still remains unclear if the party will adopt it. As for an independent party or independence, the party leadership and Parliamentarians face a membership who have grown into using the name 'Conservative' and take pride in it, despite the decline it heralded. Many members are also ideologically opposed to any notion of Scottish
autonomy, whether it be for Scotland or their party, even though this was a feature of the party when it had a larger membership. With such obstacles to overcome, the present party may take the route of hoping for a filip from new Conservative leader
David Cameron, but on the past electoral experiences with Margaret Thatcher and John Major, this has often been followed with poll disasters such as the
1987 and
1997 elections.
Policy platform
The Scottish Conservatives have adopted several policy positions which differ from their colleagues in the rest of the United Kingdom, for example support for the
Scottish Executive policy of free
state care for the elderly, and their backing of the decision to abandon
university tuition fees in Scotland. There is also a difference in approach on
tax, with the Scottish party likely to propose the full 3% reduction in
income tax (the so-called
Tartan Tax) in their
manifesto for the
Scottish Parliament election in 2007, while the UK party has committed itself to putting
economic stability ahead of
tax cuts.
In August 2006 the leader of the UK Conservative Party,
David Cameron, said that the party should recognise "that the policies of Conservatives in Scotland and
Wales won't always be the same as our policies in
England" and that the "
West Lothian question must be answered from a
Unionist perspective". A spokesman for the leader said that Cameron would continue to consider adopting a policy of "
English votes for English laws", banning
Scottish MPs from voting on English-only legislation.
Executive
- David Mundell MP, Chairman (acting)
- Bill Walker, Deputy Chairman of the Party
- Malcolm Scott, Treasurer
- Robert Forman, Honorary Secretary
- Annabel Goldie MSP, Leader in the Scottish Parliament
- David Mundell MP, Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland, Chairman of the Scottish Conservative Candidates Board
- Struan Stevenson MEP, Representative from the European Parliament
- Cllr Hugh Hunter, Representative of the Scottish Conservative Councillors' Association
- Tobias Lehmann, Chairman of the Conservative Future Scotland
- Richard Cook, Elected member of the Executive
- Steve Robertson, Elected member of the Executive
- Daphne Sleigh, Elected member of the Executive
- Richard Wilkinson, Elected member of the Executive
Conservative front bench
The front bench formulates the party's policy on issues
devolved to the
Scottish Parliament.
Annabel Goldie Leader in Scottish Parliament
Murdo Fraser MSP, Deputy Leader in the Scottish Parliament, Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Education and Lifelong Learning
David Mundell MP, Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland, Chairman (acting)
Struan Stevenson MEP, Representative from the European Parliament
Cllr Charlie Gilbert, Chairman of the Scottish Conservatives Councillors' Association
Derek Brownlee MSP, Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Finance and Sustainable Growth
Bill Aitken MSP, Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Justice
Ted Brocklebank MSP, Shadow Minister for Europe, External Affairs and Culture
John Lamont MSP, Shadow Minister for Community Safety
Jamie McGrigor MSP, Shadow Minister for Communities and Sport
Nanette Milne MSP, Shadow Minister for Environment
Mary Scanlon MSP, Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Health and Wellbeing
John Scott MSP, Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Rural Affairs and the Environment
Elizabeth Smith MSP, Shadow Minister for Children, Schools and Skills
Secretariat
Mark McInnes is the Director of the party, based at its headquarters at Scottish Conservative Central Office, 83 Princes Street, Edinburgh. 13 staff are employed at Scottish Conservative Central Office, with a further 7 staff employed at the Scottish Parliament in the Press and Research Unit.
Conference
The party holds an annual spring conference. The next conference is to be held at the Perth Concert Hall,Perth, Scotland.
Further Information
Get more info on 'Scottish Conservative Party'.
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